Thank you for your most excellent reply. As a History teacher (if I remember correctly) you have the advantage over me.
My "favourite" periods of history seem to coincide with my love of the music composed in that period. So late 18th C through to and including WWI.
I came to Tudor history relatively late, but am picking it up as I go along in years.
Yes, exactly that! How will Hilary Mantel play it out. I agree, that cry for mercy is not about cowardice (though who would not want to stave off the promise of excruciating pain). I agree his family's future probably would be the most important thing — he always had his eye — at least this fictional TC — on the longer game.
Imagine what a piece of drama "The Trial of Thomas Cromwell" could have made.
But even reading some of the work of historians in this era makes you realise that sometimes, they really don't "join the dots" or link up stuff that is lying under their noses. Hilary Mantel has been exceptionally good at that - her historiography is meticulous, as is her respect for her source material.
And personal relationships (messy, complicated, not always strictly rational) inform political and historical acts, and decisions every bit as much as do ambition, greed, belief systems, ideologies, and philosophies, something also not missed by Hilary Mantel.
It wasn't just the fact of the Anne of Cleves marriage that (ultimately) sank Cromwell, and it wasn't just that he delayed "uncharacteristically" - as one source I seem to recall reading tried to suggest - in trying to extricate the King from this marriage. Rather, it seems to me, this was a situation where the alternatives were even more unpalatable, and that, as a consequence,- for possibly the first time in his life - he couldn't see a way forward without putting himself in mortal peril.
Needless to say, he (TC) could have engineered a dissolution of the Cleves marriage - none better - as he, in fact, eventually did, and from his cell in the Tower - for Henry, sadistic to the end, kept him alive long enough to tidy up the loose ends of the Cleves marriage. Indeed, Anne of Cleves herself is one of the very few people from that entire era to emerge with credit, honour, wit, life, liberty - and a secure income - all intact - she outlived the lot of them, dying happy and wealthy.
No, Thomas Cromwell's first problem was that Henry had already fallen for Catherine Howard - another of Norfolk's nieces - and releasing him from the Cleves marriage would free him to marry Catherine (as happened), and thus, put Norfolk - who by 1540 was an implacable and increasingly powerful enemy of TC's - into an exceptionally influential position in Court and Government, and in a position to ally himself with Stephen Gardiner - who had long loathed Cromwell (as Mantel also makes clear).
The other problem for TC was that Henry had decided that the Reformation (welcome sums of money and filling of state coffers aside) had gone on long enough; liturgically, and theologically, he was never a radical - he had just wanted a dissolution of the Catherine of Aragon marriage which the Pope - under the thumb of Charles V (who was also Catherine's nephew) and who had sacked Rome in 1527 - was in no position to deliver.
So, by 1540, the 'conservatives' were once again, in the ascendent, and reformers - and here, I think, Mantel is right, as well, TC was genuinely on the side of religious reform - were compelled to reverse course, or, at the very least, be less visible and vocal.
And, while, by April 1540, TC had indeed been elevated to the 'high' peerage when he was made Earl of Essex, what has attracted less attention is that he seems to have been compelled to surrender - or divide up the powers of - the "secretaryship" (the old "Master Secretary" post that was the source of his power and authority) at around the same time. He also seems to have lost the services of his loyal protégé, Rafe Sadler, (who was kept with the secretaryship) at precisely the same time, which must have had the effect of exposing him and eroding his power base, and his control of the Commons - for the first time ever - had become less secure.
Certainly, contemporary documents - and diplomatic reports - again, Mantel is very good on Eustace Chapuys - describe Cromwell as "tottering" to his fall from around Easter 1540, at exactly the time when he had been elevated to the earldom of Essex.
I cannot imagine that Hilary Mantel will not have found a way to tie together all of this; Norfolk and Cromwell had publicly fallen out at that dinner - over Wolsey - in 1539, and, while having two of his most powerful subjects at daggers drawn must have been somewhat uncomfortable for Henry (who has been given far too easy a historical press to my mind), he seems to have tried to have kept both of them on board for a number of months, and yet, within two years, he had discarded the pair of them, both - ostensibly - over failed marriages, the Cleves debacle for Cromwell, and the Howard disaster which, in turn, led to Norfolk being cast into complete disgrace (and eventually, after the execution of Surrey, his son, imprisonment in the Tower, where he survived Henry by the narrowest and luckiest of margins).